Monday, January 12, 2009

The Ex Labour Minister & the African Private Equity Firm

Valerie Amos was Britain's first black woman Cabinet Minister when she was appointed Secretary of State for International Development in 2003. She left the Cabinet when Gordon Brown became Prime Minister and was appointed as the EU's representative to the African Union. She also wasted little time in picking up a nice little earner, according to a new book published today by Craig Murray, Britain's former Ambassador to Uzbekistan. Nothing wrong with that, is there? Make up your own mind when you read this exclusive extract from Craig Murray's book...

The concierge opened the door and the Nigerian detached himself from the rich leather upholstery of the sleek, silver, range-topping Mercedes. He stalked into the lounge of the Sheraton, as glossy as the sheen on his Italian silk suit and as smooth as the mirrored lenses of his designer spectacles. My heart sank as he headed towards our little group. I had taken on the chairmanship of a Ghanaian energy company to help out some Ghanaian friends. Our little venture had prospered and we were looking to expand across West Africa. In doing so I was determined to steer well clear of capital tainted with corruption or drugs. My surest guide to doing that was to avoid people who looked and dressed like this man whom my colleagues had arranged to talk with us.

West Africa is now the third largest centre in the World for money laundering and narcotics capital formation. But in terms of the percentage of total capital formation which drugs money forms, it is far ahead. Money laundering is the raison d'etre of many West African financial institutions. In Accra in March 2008 a World Bank sponsored conference held in Accra on money laundering heard an estimate that over 60% of the capital of the mushrooming private banking sector in Nigeria could be drugs money. Recently Nigerian banks have started taking out huge poster adverts all over the UK's major airports. That is drugs money.

One consequence of this is that I have found it too easy to attract the wrong kind of capital to a legitimate business proposal in West Africa. These investors from West African banks and private equity firms are not even expecting the kind of high returns that a high risk market normally demands. With anti money-laundering regulations now so tight in the US and EU, their investors are looking to launder the money in the region before sending it to Europe. The proceeds of a legitimate energy company are accountable and clean; so we attract those wishing to put dirty money in to get clean money out. The actual bank executives and fund managers are of course not themselves necessarily involved in narcotics; they just fail to query adequately the source of their investor's cash.

So when the new arrival introduced himself as a manager of a Nigerian private equity firm, I mentally switched off. I giggled inwardly as he named his company as “Travant”, because I thought he said “Trabant”, which given the car out of which he had just stepped, would have been wildly inappropriate. But I came to with a start when he said that his Nigerian private equity firm had access to DFID funds because Baroness Amos was a Director. To be clear, I asked whether Travant was an NGO or a governmental investment agency. He replied that it was not; it was a private, for-profit fund management company.

Baroness Amos was of course the Secretary of State for DFID until 2003 and until 2007 was Leader of the House of Lords. I though that it was impossible that DFID money would be given to a company of which she was Director. On the face of it, nobody could look further removed from the development aid ethos than the man in the designer suit. I went back to writing him off, deciding he was simply making it up about Baroness Amos and his access to DFID money. In West Africa among people who wear silk suits and are driven in Mercedes, the standards of truthfulness sadly leave in general a great deal to be desired.

I would have forgotten the incident, but in December 2008 I found myself sitting next to Baroness Amos on an airport bus heading for the plane to Accra. Once on board she moved to Business class while due to overbooking I was downgraded to Economy Plus. Baroness Amos was going out to Accra to head the Commonwealth monitoring team for the first round of the 2008 Ghanaian elections, as John Kufuor retired. Sending Baroness Amos to monitor an election seemed to me another tremendous example of British arrogance. Valerie Amos is the very antithesis of a democratic politician. One of the Blair inner circle, she rose to Cabinet rank despite never having faced the electorate. Never, ever, at any level of politics. Her entire career was based upon New Labour internal patronage after making a very good living out of complaining
about discrimination against minorities in the UK. She opened up a substantial income gap between herself and those on whose behalf she was claiming to work from a very early stage, and that gap has widened ever since.

All this came back to me as I looked at Baroness Amos quaffing champagne on that plane. So I did a bit of digging. Valerie Amos is indeed listed on their website as a non-executive director of Travant Private Equity, one of only five directors. There is nothing about developmental goals,
ethics, or the environment on the website. There is a lot about real estate opportunities in West Africa (by which they do not mean housing for the urban poor), and a boast that they have “the largest fundraising from domestic investors in sub-Saharan Africa”. Remember what I said about the sources of local capital formation? Now Travant may have the most rigorous procedures for scrutinising the origin of the domestic money deposited with them. But if they do, they do not mention it on their website. Rather they emphasise that “we are deeply immersed in the business communities in which we invest”. Mmmm.

But have Travant received DFID money? On the face of it, Travant shouldn't even want public money – they are aggressive proponents of the capitalist ethos: “We believe that the private sector, with appropriate oversight and governance, is the best shepherd of Africa's resources. We seek to empower entrepreneurs to pursue opportunities that they have identified, creating returns for investors, jobs and economic growth.” Yet in 2007 the British Government financed Travant with £15 million of funds, provided through CDC, the investment arm of DFID. CDC is owned 100% by DFID. At launch over one third of Travant's first equity fund came from DFID. A few months afterwards Baroness Amos, ex minister in charge of DFID, joined the board of this profit-making firm.

It says everything about New Labour that CDC, which as the Commonwealth Development Corporation used to run agricultural projects to benefit the rural poor, was rebranded as CDC with a new remit to provide most of its funds to the financial services industry. It says even more about New Labour's lack of the understanding of fundamental personal ethics, of their embrace of greed, that they see no reason why one of their former senior ministers should not move to benefit personally from the DFID money - even if through a 100% owned satellite - thus invested.

To turn this story full circle, let us turn back to Sierra Leone. 65% of the measured exports of this country come from its rutile mines. These were under guard by Sandline at the start of this memoir. Following the British invasion of Sierra Leone, it returned to its normal state of extreme corruption. Life is hard for most of its inhabitants, and UN donated food and pharmaceuticals, clearly marked “not for sale”, are only available to the local population for cash they do not have, as the result of collusion between corrupt UN officials, government officials, and mostly Lebanese traders. But the rutile mines are working full out, and extremely profitable, with armed white men again in charge of security. A major rutile miner, Titanium Resources Group of Sierra Leone says in its 2008 interim report: “the long term future of our markets is sound and the quality and scale of our mineral reserves underline our future prospects.” The Chairman of Titanium Resources Group is Walter Kansteiner III, George Bush's former Assistant Secretary of Sate for Africa and a founding partner of the Scowcroft Group, led by Brent Scowcroft, George Bush's National Security Adviser and architect of the CIA's re-introduction of torture. The Scowcroft Group advisory consultancy did huge harm in Africa in the 1990s with their advocacy of privatisation and deregulation, particularly in the forestry sector, and with some influence advocated policies worldwide which contributed to the credit bubble and collapse of recent years.

But none of that prevented Kansteiner and Scowcroft from making money out of it, and Blair's invasion secured Sierra Leone's mineral resources to the neo-cons. Not everyone benefits. Titanium Resources' Interim Report 2008 mentions the disruption in production as a result of the collapse of a dredger, without feeling the need even to mention the two Sierra Leoneans who
died in the incident.

But New Labour believes in profit, especially for themselves, so it was no surprise to me when Titanium Resources announced in March 2008 the appointment of Baroness Amos as a non-executive director. For me that appointment [though she later resigned] sums up the cosiness of the alliance between Bush, Blair and their acolytes. It was an alliance based on the acquisition of mineral resources by any means possible. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are the most infamous example. I saw it close up operating by war in Sierra Leone, and by the diplomacy of repression in Uzbekistan.

I served as a bit-player, but with a privileged view, in the Bush Blair years. I got to know many wonderful people of West Africa and of Uzbekistan, and formed strong views of how to assist them to make progress. But I was working for governments with quite a different agenda, that of international resource acquisition to benefit massive but specific commercial interests. I hope that my memoirs will, taken together, entertain with their tales of a very human and colourful life. But I trust that they will also throw some light on a most shameful period of British foreign policy, viewed from some unusual and fascinating points of vantage.
The questions Craig Murray's book raises are self evident. And I hope the mainstream media and Conservative Opposition will ask them, and ask them relentlessly. I am not accusing Baroness Amos of doing anything wrong personally, but surely the system is at fault when a Cabinet Minister can take up a position with a commercial outfit, which then gets a third of its launch income from the very government department she was in charge of. If this had happened to a Tory Minister and a Tory government department at the fag end of the Major government, Guardian journalists would have been all over it like a rash.

Craig Murray's book The Catholic Orangemen of Togo is published by Atholl Books today, £17.99. You can buy or download it for free HERE.

23 comments:

Unknown said...

"The concierge opened the door and the Nigerian detached himself from the rich leather upholstery of the sleek, silver, range-topping Mercedes. He stalked into the lounge of the Sheraton, as glossy as the sheen on his Italian silk suit and as smooth as the mirrored lenses of his designer spectacles."

Who wrote this, Sylvie Krin?

Hacked Off said...

Doctor John Reid is apparently adding to his portfolio of highly paid additional jobs, this time as a Security Consultant.

Considering his judgement on the security situation in Afghanistan when sending our under-equipped troops there, this is likely to be money for old rope indeed.

The Penguin

Jimmy said...

"The questions Craig Murray's book raises are self evident."

How does someone like that get to be an ambassador?

Faceless Bureaucrat said...

Mmmmm....

Cannot see this making the lead on BBC News 24 though.

This will be allowed to fade away unless Cameron's team get stuck-in pronto.

Jimmy said...

Perhaps he can delegate the issue of ex-ministers and their directorships to one of his shadow cabinet colleagues. If they can spare the time of course.

Unity said...

If this had happened to a Tory Minister and a Tory government department at the fag end of the Major government, Guardian journalists would have been all over it like a rash.

It did and they were, if not until five years after the fact...

Lord Hurd, in particular, faces controversy over a deal he negotiated with Milosevic in 1996, after he left the Government to become deputy chairman of NatWest Markets. Following direct negotiations between Lord Hurd and Milosevic, the bank won a multi-million pound contract to advise on Yugoslavia's debt and to prepare PTT, the Serbian telecoms service, for privatisation.

Pauline Neville-Jones was also working for NatWest Markets at the same time, after having been dubbed Pauline Neville-Chamberlain by the Yanks during the Bosnian conflict.

Prodicus said...

Isn't this the placewoman who forced through Blair/Brown's half-cocked, class-hate-driven 'constitutional reform' of our Upper House? Thought so.

Unity said...

Oops...

I forgot to mention that Pauline Neville-Jones's oft-cited stint as Chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee didn't last 2 years, as is typically claimed in the media, but only 5 weeks - the last two weeks of December 2003 and the first three weeks of January 2004.

IIRC she chaired, at most, two meetings during that period - although it could just have been one - and was only ever an interim appointment.

Letters From A Tory said...

It works the other way round as well - ministers cashing in on their contacts once they leave office. Here are some of the former Labour ministers who in the last few years have taken up jobs outside Parliament:

Baroness Amos - Travant Capital Partners, Titanium Resources Group
Hilary Armstrong - GovNet Communications, SITA UK
David Blunkett - Entrust (internet security), UC Group, A4e
Tony Blair - JP Morgan, Zurich Financial Services
Stephen Byers - Consolidated Contractors Company, Yalta European Strategy, ACWA Services
Richard Caborn - Nuclear Management Partners, Amec
Charles Clarke - Charles Street Securities, Beachcroft
Lord Falconer - AmicusHorizon Group, City Development Company for Newcastle and Gateshead
Barry Gardiner - Reynolds Partners
Lord Goldsmith - Debevoise & Plimpton
Patricia Hewitt - Alliance Boots, BT, Cinven
Adam Ingram - SignPoint Secure, EDS, Argus Libya
Stephen Ladyman - ITIS Holdings
Denis MacShane - United Utilities
Alan Milburn - PepsiCo, Covidien, Lloydspharmacy
Lord Moonie - Partygaming, AEA Technology
Nick Raynsford - Rockpools, Hometrack
Baroness Symons - Rio Tinto, DLA Piper, Consolidated Contractors Company
Lord Truscott - Gavin Anderson and Company, Gulf Keystone Petroleum, Eastern Petroleum Corporation
Lord Warner - PA Consulting, Perot Systems Europe, Apax Partners Worldwide, Byotrol, DLA Piper
Lord Whitty Eaga, Elyo Suez

etc...

So much for the ministerial code.

Jimmy said...

Are you suggesting the code has been breached in any of the cases you mention?

Anonymous said...

So, first up we have Craig Murray doing a classic, you can't trust west Africans riff that could easily be mistaken for racism if we didn't know Craig of old.

Then we discover that, after he's written the guy off as a chancer who's probably laundering drugs money, the guy actually represented an equity fund that was awash with, ummm, UK government money designed to encourage legitimate businesses in West Africa.

Sharp bloke this Murray feller, you can see he'll go far if he assumes that every Nigerian with British government money to invest is actually a money launderer 'because they're all at it...'

Jimmy said...
This comment has been removed by the author.
JuliaM said...

"The questions Craig Murray's book raises are self evident. And I hope the mainstream media and Conservative Opposition will ask them, and ask them relentlessly."

Yeah. Right. When Satan muses over the purchase of the ice skates with the green laces, or the red ones....

Jimmy said...

"I was determined to steer well clear of capital tainted with corruption or drugs. My surest guide to doing that was to avoid people who looked and dressed like this man"

Murray's Due Diligence procedure seems to be modelled on the old police criterion of stopping black people in expensive cars. Diplomacy's loss no doubt will be Africa's gain.

jailhouselawyer said...

dogstarscribe: I have just read the Arms to Africa chapter and it was clear that Craig Murray stated he did not trust Tim Spicer.

No surprise that Spicer has employed Schillings, given that Usmanov also used Schillings against Craig Murray.

What is a surprise is that LabourList is employing Schillings. Maybe this has something to do with Al Capone being dead.

Bird said...

Get a grip Iain. "Jimmy" and other trolls are all over your threads like a rash.
Can't you delete them?
Apart from diluting any message you have, they encourage Tories like me to blog elsewhere.

Gege said...

Craig Murray has tarnished the reputations of professional Africans who happened to be working to the city of London before relocating to help develop their continent.

Not all Nigerians with money are drug dealers!

jailhouselawyer said...

Exclusive extract? Hardly, the whole book can be read following the link below. Far more explosive are the chapters Arms to Africa and The Sandline Affair, which the mercenary Tim Spicer employed Schillings in an attempt to stop publication.

The Catholic Orangemen of Togo

Alex said...

"Jimmy said...
Are you suggesting the code has been breached in any of the cases you mention?"

I don't think he is, but of all of the quick jumps from Ministries into the private sector, I can't think of many where the motivation was so clearly to get access to UK government cash.

Even the movements by civil servants into arms companies have had longer delays and it is hard to see how those did anything more than giva an insight into MOD politics and personnel. This directorship is blatantly there to secure more DFID cash for what looks to be nothing more than a Nigerian property developer, not a scoial enterprise of the sort we would expect DFID to invest in.

James Enfield said...

Amos became DFID Secretary in May 2003 and left in October 2003.

Travant received money from DFID in 2007.

A few months later Amos became a director of DFID.

What's Amos accused of? Time travel?

If it's such a dirty secret why do Travant mention Amos was Secretary of State for DFID on their website?

ImproveBurlington said...

Read more about the former Labour ministers association with Consolidated Contractors Company here

http://www.hataf.us/

Unknown said...

For the record Amos was not appointed the EU's representative to the African Union.

She was, however, GB's candidate for this position. She wasn't selected.

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